The persistence of the communal reflex in Mauritius is often reduced to a simple anomaly in our electoral mechanics. However, a deeper analysis reveals that the problem runs much deeper: communalism is merely the political expression of structural discrimination anchored at the very heart of our national system.
The Cause: A National Fracture, Not an Electoral One
The Mauritian communal reflex is not born in the isolation of voting booths. It draws its roots from deep historical structures that extend far beyond the framework of elections. Colonial legacies, the aftermath of indentured labour, and persistent inequalities still shape access to employment, education, land, and economic resources today. We face a national system that structurally discriminates based on community belonging. Communalism is its direct reflection.
The Role of the BLS: An Amplifier, Not the Engine
In this context, what is the actual role of the Best Loser System (BLS)? Contrary to popular belief, this mechanism did not create the communal reflex. While it accentuates it, this remains marginal and strictly confined to the electoral calendar. By imposing an identity declaration on candidates and freezing representation around four constitutional categories, the BLS merely activates, from time to time, a logic that is already omnipresent in civil society. It acts as a situational amplifier, not as the engine of these divisions.
The Illusion of Electoral Reform Alone
The logical conclusion of this observation is clear: an isolated electoral reform can never resolve the crisis. Removing or modifying the BLS will not make the communal reflex disappear. A purely institutional overhaul of the voting system only treats a peripheral symptom, leaving intact the underlying socio-economic discriminations that feed it. Only direct action against these structural inequalities will allow for real and lasting change in Mauritian political behaviour.
The International Perspective: The UN Position
This fundamental distinction between technical flaws and root causes is, moreover, confirmed by international bodies. As early as 2012, in the case of Narain v. Mauritius, the UN Human Rights Committee did not condemn the very principle of the BLS. It targeted two specific dysfunctions: the obligation for candidates to declare their community and the obsolete use of data from the 1972 census for the allocation of seats. More recently, observations from the CERD (Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination) reflect these same divisions running through Mauritian civil society, oscillating between the urgency of technical reforms and the need for comprehensive social justice.
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